عيب لمّا شعب سخّر الإنترنت لخدمة ثورته ونيل حريته يفضل أسير للأمية
يلا نمحي الأمية…. قول ورايا:ـ
أ ….. انترنت
ب ….. بلوج
ت ….. تويتر
ث ….. ثورة
ج ….. جوجل
ح ….. حزب
خ ….. خالد سعيد
د ….. ديليت
ذ ….. ذيول النظام (تم قطعهم كما قطع الذال من العامية)ـ
ر ….. ريتويت
ز ….. زنجا زنجا
س ….. ستاتوس
ش ….. شير (بس في الخير وبس)ـ
ص ….. صورة
ض ….. ضريح (حرف الضاد مات في العامية ولازمله ضريح احتراما لمكانته)ـ
ط ….. طرة
ظ ….. ظرطة (لامؤاخدة، الريّس مكانش راضي يمشي والواحد كان مزنوق)ـ
ع ….. عَلَم
غ ….. غاز مسيل للدموع
ف ….. فيسبوك
ق ….. قانون
ك ….. كومنت
ل ….. لايك
م ….. ميدان
ن ….. نوت
هـ ….. هاشتاج
و ….. ويب
ي ….. يوتيوب
إذا اعجبتك هذا النوت فستعجبك هذه التدوينة كذلك
إن المجتمع بوصفه تجمعا لأناس ذوي إرادات مستقلة، بحاجة لنظام يسمح بالتعبير عن هذه الإرادات دون طغيان بعضها على بعض. وهذا النظام يثمره العرف وقد يقنن من خلال قوانين مدونة. وكلما جاء القانون معبرا عن المتعارف عليه كان اتباعه وفرضه أسهل، وكلما جاء منفصما عن المعروف لدى المجتمع كان مخالفته والتحايل عليه أقرب.ـ
والدستور في أصله اتفاق يحدد الطريقة التي تقنن وتفرض من خلالها أعراف المجتمع، لكي يضمن أن القانون إنما هو تدوين لما تعارف عليه الناس واعترفوا به منظما لمعاملاتهم، وليضمن أنه ليس فرضا منفصما عن عرفهم. وكلما ضمن الدستور تعبير القانون عن العرف كان دستورا حافظا للمجتمع، وكلما سمح بافتراق القانون والعرف أدى إلى التفريق بين أفراد المجتمع وطغيان بعضهم على بعض.ـ
ومن ثمة فإن هَمّ الدستور الأساسي هو تحديد آلية تقنين العرف في صورة قوانين منفذة بما يضمن بقاءها تدوينا لما تعارف عليه الناس وارتضوه بينهم، وبما يحول دون تحوّل القانون إلى أداة لطغيان فئة على أخرى. وبالتالي فإن الدستور يعني بالإجراءات بعد التسليم بمسلمتين، وهما أن الطغيان مستنكر مرفوض وأن أية قوانين مفروضة تفتقر إلى اعتراف المجتمع بها. ثم يحدد الدستور الآلية والإجراءات التي تضمن إقامة المسلمتين المذكورتين.ـ
وما عدا ذلك في الدستور فديباجة وحشو، فيهما إثم كبير ومنافع للناس، وإثمهما أكبر من نفعهما.ـ
G. Willow Wilson poetically describes Tura in her memoir, “The Butterfly Mosque”. In fact, the very name of her memoir is derived from a mosque behind the walls of Tura’s prison.
Shortly after our parents Christmas visit, Jo and I moved out of our expensive apartment in Maadi and into a much smaller one in Tura… Tura is sandwiched between three landmarks: an infamous political prison, a cement factory, and the Nile… I remember it as a harrowing, sunless place, and whenever I say the name aloud a perfectly formed memory surfaces: I am trudging through the filthy dust outside the prison with a bag of fruit in my arms, and when I look up at the dun-colored, wire-topped walls, I am acutely conscious of the journalists, reformists, and dissidents being held inside. Then I see the mosque, a little jewel-like thing that looks far older than the prison itself. Its corniced minaret stretches above the wall like a plea for help; the mosque, like the prisoners,a was trapped there for no other reason that it was in the way.
I began to call it the butterfly mosque, because it reminded me of a butterfly caught in a jar. I would fantasize about freeing it and imprisoning in its place, the modern, ugly, loud mosque that was the focal point of Turan religious activity. [excerpted from The Butterfly Mosque p120-2]
I reflected on the butterfly mosque this morning, as it flutters in Tura’s Prison overseeing the fruits of the Egyptian Revolution. Key corrupted politicians of pre-Jan25 Egypt are now behind its bars including the two sons of Mubarak, who himself is also expected to be transferred there shortly. Perhaps this constitutes the freedom of the butterfly mosque, that it knows Egyptians are liberating themselves from the oppression of the past. Yet in its utter-selflessness, the mosque does not aspire to fly away beyond the walls of the prison, but overlooks, patiently at its new inmates, awaiting them to enter and turn back to their Lord; to shed tears and wash their slates. For the liberation of the butterfly mosque lies in our liberation from the tyranny of our selves… in liberating our hearts from the jars of this world.
Modern, ugly and loud mosques, on the other hand, are such because of their visitors. Let us hope that Jan25 frees them as well.
The results are out and 73% said ‘Yes’ for the amended constitution while 27% said ‘No.’ The huge surprise is the gap between the two numbers in what was projected to be a tight race. The secret lies, I think, in the influence of off-line Egyptians who voted, are pro-stability and were amused by #Jan25 but never fully invested. Remember, this was a Revolution 2.0 in an Egypt 0.5 where only half of the population can read. These results predict that the new Parliament and constitution committee will echo an Egypt still far below its revolutionary edition. #Jan25 is at stake by its incompatibility with the broader society, and the main task now is to reach out and get down with the barseem-roots community organizing and activism to work hard, hard, hard against being sucked into the whirpool of the Egyptian cynical status quo. We’re trying to move pyramids here … much of what is against us is ingrained deep in the our psyche and heritage and it will take years of sustained effort to budge.
The socio-political lines are being drawn; a cautious block tied to the predictable rhythms of Nile and Pharaoh, and a change-yearning out-shoot trying to bring a virtual reality into existence. The Muslim Brotherhood and NDP are rooted in the cautious block (by virtue of pre-Jan25 allegiances) and will learn to play with each other. The various groups behind #Jan25 will be the core force in the change-yearning current, and the pre-existing parties will probably continue to hop from one table to another.
Read also: Is the Revolution being hijacked by Normalcy?
Is the Revolution being hijacked by Normalcy?
With most Egyptians backing the constitutional amendments, it is a reminder that for the majority, the revolution was a risk that luckily didn’t back-fire and normalcy is now desperately needed. Normalcy, however, means falling back into the pre-#Jan25 political configuration, which beyond Cairo seems to be hued with entrenched in NDP and MB alliances. The ultimate challenge for the revolutionary spirit in Egypt is to prove relevance at a sustainable level amongst the 70 Million that are *not* online. The danger, is that at the end of the day, when all of Egypt speaks, the revolution discovers that dismantling the Mubarak regime only made a dent in a larger pyramid, an Egyptian psyche well protected against sudden change and a cynicism that accepts as fate that the Nile flows and that Pharaoh (in one form or another) will rule.
The Revolution is at stake, not by a counter revolution, but by our deepest complexes and millennia of history. There is no way to effect a larger change without in-the-trenches, one-on-one, outreach and real conversation with rural Egyptians that are influenced not by ‘events’ and ‘tweets,’ but by harvest, custom and sincere appreciation.
Read also: The fate of Revolution 2.0 in Egypt 0.5
In a symbolic vote, close to 50 Egyptians gathered in Harvard Square to take part in the Egyptian Referendum on the Amended Constitution. The final result was 36 No (97%) and 1 Yes (3%). The event is likely to appear tomorrow in the Boston Globe.
Read also: Egypt’s First Dilemma
As Egyptians head out today to take part in the first national referendum after #Jan25, they experience for the first time ever an uncertain outcome. Gone are the days when we knew the results of an election before it even took place. The referendum is to determine if the majority accept the recent amendments to the 1971 constitution which would act as a transitory constitution until a new one is developed and agreed upon. Its a difficult decision, in fact a dilemma. For the Yay camp, its a predictable transition into a democratic state that speeds the departure from the current military rule. For the Nay camp, revolutions obliterate consitutions, they don’t amend them, and we must start afresh, even if means an extended military rule during the transition.
The dilemma has sparked a marvelous national debate, in living rooms, at cafes, on facebook and twitter, and even here in Boston, where Egyptians in the area will converge onto Harvard Square to cast a symbolic vote (Egyptians abroad are still not able to participate in elections and referenda, a vestige of the old Egypt). Despite the uncertainty of the outcome, what is certain is that the times have changed and Egyptians are growing into their new democracy. The journey however, has just begun!